ISSN: 2940-3243

Editorial

Images of the Future, Hope and Well-being

by Andreas M. Krafft¹

Abstract 

This study examines how expectations about long-term societal future scenarios relate to hope and well-being. Drawing on data from 4,293 Swiss adults, it assesses probable and desirable future scenarios. Participants considered a crisis-ridden future much more likely than a flourishing one, yet strongly preferred a sustainable, cooperative, and socially harmonious future. Expected futures were more closely associated with perceived hope, hedonic, psychological, and, especially, social well-being than desired futures were. Results indicate that hope and well-being are impaired not that much by the distress caused by an expected adverse future but, more importantly, by the diminished belief in the possibility of a flourishing future. Furthermore, the strong desire for a sustainable and socially harmonious future is statistically unrelated to hope and well-being, suggesting limited belief in the attainability of this desired scenario and in its motivational power . 

Keywords: Probable futures, desirable futures, perceived hope, hedonic, psychological, and social well-being 

Introduction

Research on future expectations and hope has often focused on personal goals and individual life projects. This article broadens that perspective. It asks how people imagine society's long-term future and how these collective expectations relate to perceived hope and personal and social well-being. Drawing on Positive Psychology and Futures Studies, the article links hope and well-being to the wider social horizon in which people situate their lives. Such an interdisciplinary view is important because hope is not only a private emotion or a personal coping resource. It is also related to long-term social expectations and the credibility of shared images of the future (Hicks, 2012). This perspective is especially relevant, since hope and well-being are affected not only by personal appraisal but also by whether people experience their world as coherent, trustworthy, and open to meaningful action (Keyes, 2014). 

How We Think the Future

How we think the future influences how we see ourselves and society in the present (Seligman, 2018). Prediction and prospection are related but distinct forms of future thinking. Prediction estimates what is likely to happen. It is a probabilistic operation that narrows the future toward expectation, based on available evidence, experience, and learned regularities (Railton, 2018). Prospection is broader and more constructive. It generates, compares, and evaluates several possible futures and asks not only what will probably happen but also what could happen, what would be desirable, what should be avoided, and what actions might bring one possibility rather than another into being (Baumeister, 2018). This distinction matters because prediction can remain passive. Prospection, by contrast, is intrinsically connected with agency: people use imagined futures to organize present conduct, make decisions, and sustain motivation.

 Futures Studies is the discipline that systematically explores alternative visions of society's future. Its purpose is not to predict a single future but to clarify probable, possible, and preferable futures (Bell, 2009). The plural term “futures” is therefore essential: there is no single predetermined future, but rather a range of pathways that people can explore, evaluate, and shape. Images of the future are not abstract fantasies. They influence decisions, choices, and actions in the present (Hicks, 2012). Empirical work in Futures Studies has repeatedly found a discrepancy between what people expect and what they wish to happen (Eckersley et al., 2007; Inayatullah, 2002). Environmental degradation, population growth, economic turmoil, conflict, and health crises can generate collective images of a threatened future. Psychologically, dissonance among probable, possible, and desirable futures may contribute to anxiety, anger, mistrust, and apathy (Grund & Brock, 2019). 

The Value of Hope

According to Krafft et al. (2023), hope involves wishing for a valued outcome or situation, while believing that its attainment is possible, even if uncertain and not necessarily likely. It also entails trust that internal or external resources are available to support its realization, especially in the face of difficulties and setbacks. Hope should not be confused with simple optimism. Unrealistic optimism can become passive when it assumes that everything will turn out well without action (Weinstein, 1980). Active hope, by contrast, acknowledges risks while motivating engagement. Even pessimistic expectations can coexist with hope when they lead to commitment rather than helplessness (Nordensvard, 2014). Combining awareness of crisis with preferred images of the future may therefore prevent negative expectations from becoming self-fulfilling and help people move toward desired conditions. 

Personal and Social Wellbeing

To examine the relationship between global expectations and well-being, it is useful to distinguish between hedonic, psychological, and social well-being. In Keyes' (2014) model of complete mental health, hedonic well-being refers to feeling good and being interested in and satisfied with life. Psychological well-being encompasses personal growth, purpose, competence, positive relationships, and self-acceptance. Social well-being concerns the individual's relationship to community and society: belonging, social coherence, mutual recognition, contribution, and confidence in positive social development. A person flourishes when feeling good, functioning well, and participating constructively in meaningful social structures are held in balance. This social dimension remains particularly important for mind-body medicine because individual resilience and health are embedded in communities, norms, and shared expectations. A person's bodily and emotional regulation is influenced by interpersonal safety, perceived social value, and the availability of collective meaning. Thus, social well-being serves as a bridge among psychological flourishing, embodied health, and civic life.

The Present Study

Aim and Objectives

 The current study investigates long-term expectations about probable and desirable future scenarios in Switzerland and links these images to perceived hope and to hedonic, psychological, and social well-being. Using measures developed by Eckersley (1999), participants first assessed the likelihood of two possible futures: one depicting a flourishing world of sustainability, peace, and prosperity, and the other depicting a crisis-ridden world marked by population growth, environmental destruction, disease, and conflict. Participants then rated the desirability of two further futures: an individualistic, competitive, and technologically advanced society, and a greener, more harmonious society emphasizing cooperation, community, family, equality, and economic self-sufficiency (Eckersley et al., 2007). The guiding assumption was that negative future expectations would be associated with lower hope and well-being, whereas positive expectations and desired futures would be positively associated with hope and well-being. 

Procedure and Sample

Data were collected in Switzerland as part of the Hope Barometer via announcements in online newspapers, on social media, and by email. No incentives were offered. Participants younger than 18 were excluded. A total of 4,293 people completed the questionnaire. The survey was administered in German, French, and Italian.

The sample is broadly balanced by gender, with 51.8% male, 47.3% female, and 0.9% identifying as other. Respondents were on average 52.93 years old, with a standard deviation of 14.66, indicating a relatively wide age range. In terms of family status, the largest group was married respondents, who made up 43.9% of the sample. A further 19.3% were living together with a partner, while 15.3% were single. Smaller proportions were divorced or separated (10.8%), widowed (3.2%), living apart from a partner or in another partnership arrangement (6.1%), or still living with parents/family (1.5%). The largest educational groups were respondents with professional or vocational qualifications, accounting for 30.8% and 32.1% across the two listed professional categories.